------------------------------------------ -- EZ A SZÁM CSAK TEXT FORMÁBAN LÉTEZIK -- ------------------------------------------ Date: Tue, 30 Apr 91 23:38:56 CDT Date: Tue Apr 30 22:49:22 EDT 1991 Subject: *** FORUM *** #208 Tartalomjegyzek: ---------------- Felado : csorna@phyv01.phy.vanderbilt.edu Temakor: Nyugaton is van aljass... ( 40 sor ) Felado : csorna@phyv01.phy.vanderbilt.edu Temakor: Zsido torveny - Angol szempont ( 140 sor ) =============================================== Felado : csorna@phyv01.phy.vanderbilt.edu Temakor: Nyugaton is van aljass... ( 40 sor ) - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - TIME Magazine, April 8, 1991: MAXWELL'S HALL OF SHAME Robert Maxwell sailed into the turbulent New York Ciry newspaper world with his eleventh-hour purchase of the ailing Daily News. But News editors beware! The British media magnate has shown some rather peculiar proclivities as a publisher. His Pergamon Press, soon to be sold to a Dutch firm, produced a World Leaders series that seemed to specialize in official or groveling accounts of dictators. All have since been dis- credited and relegated to history's scrap heap. Among the titles: Nicolae Ceausescu: Builder of Modern Romania and International Statesman, 1983. In an introduction, Maxwell grilled the strongman (who was executed in the 1989 uprising): "What has, in your opinion, made you so popular with the Romanians?" Erich Honecker: From My Life, 1981. His vital role in the construction of the Berlin Wall is proudly recounted by the ousted East German party leader, who was whisked off to the Soviet Union last month to receive "medical treatment"-and to evade a life sentence for allegedly ordering border guards to shoot East Germans trying to escape his regime. Janos Kadar: Selected Speeches and Interviews, 1985. A mind- numbing collection from Hungary's collaborationist leader, who was removed as party leader in 1988. Wojciech Jaruzelski: Prime Minister of Poland, 1985. A laudatory ^L portrait of the father of martial law, who so impressed Maxwell during a 1985 meeting in Warsaw that the publisher declared in a radio interview that the Solidarity problem was "solved." Todor Zhivkov. Statesman and Builder of New Bulgaria, 1982. One year after this admiring biography was published, Zhivkov, now under house arrest for corruption and stealing state funds, awarded Maxwell the Order of Stara Planina for "the strengthening of peace between peoples." =============================================== Felado : csorna@phyv01.phy.vanderbilt.edu Temakor: Zsido torveny - Angol szempont ( 140 sor ) - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Mivel ezzel a temaval, ugy mint majdnem minden mas temaval kapcsolatban, az 1945-1990-es bolsevista korszakban Magyarorszagon csak a legegbekialtobb hazugsagokat lehetett irni, nyilvanosan mondani, forduljunk a kulfoldhoz egy targyilagosabb szempontert. Aki tagadja hogy a bolsevistak hazudtak, az hazudik. Az alabbit Prof. Macartney irta. Macartney tobb even keresztul Magyarorszagon elt, jol beszelte a nyelvet, es a haboru alatt a BBC magyar nyelvu adasat kozvetitette. Sok magyar jellegu kerdesben az Encyclopaedia Britannica Macartney munkajara hivatkozik. Persze Macartney kuncsaftjai angolok voltak, ugyhogy az angolok buneit igyekszik takargatni. Szinten, Horthy a haboru alatt ellenseg volt. Mindennek ellenere ajanlom mindenkinek, hogy a konyvet olvassa el: OCTOBER FIFTEENTH, A History of Modern Hungary 1929-1945, by C.A. Macartney, The Edinburgh University Press, 1961. Ido: Rogton az "Anschluss" utan.... Igy szolt Macartney: -------------------- p.218 [OCTOBER FIFTEENTH] The Franchise Bill had been introduced in the same week and, all the discussions having taken place behind the scenes, passed quickly through parliament. Almost simultaneously the League of Nations' functions in relation to Hungary's finances were formally ended, the appointment of the league'S Financial Adviser terminating on 31st March. The new measures could now proceed. On 2nd April Remenyi-Schneller made public the details of the new investment programme (known after the place in which Daranyi had originally announced it, as the "Gyor programme"). This plan re- presented a modified version of Ratz' original proposal. 1,000 million pengo were to be raised, 40 per cent. of the sum by borrowing and 60 per cent. by a special levy on capital. Of this, 600 million pengo were to be spent directly on armaments, 200 million on communications (mainly of a strategic character) and the remainder on hygiene, agricultural credits and other miscellaneous objects. The whole operation was to take five years. On the same day, simultaneously with its introduction of the Budget, the Government tabled the "First Jewish Law"-a measure which created what was almost (although not quite) a precedent in Hungarian legislation since 1867 in drawing a legal distinction, based on religion, between one Hungarian ^Lcitizen and another (1). This great innovation of principle once admitted, it was moderate in practice. Briefly, it limited the number of persons of Jewish religion to be admitted to the professions of the Press, the Theatre (including Films), the Law, Medicine and Engineering, and to black-coated employments both in these professions and in financial, commercial or industrial enterprises employing more than ten persons to 20 per cent. A "Jew" was defined as a person holding the Jewish faith, or converted therefrom at a date subsequent to 31st July 1919, or born after that date if his father and mother had at that date been of the Jewish faith. War invalids, persons who had seen active service, etc., were exempted. These provisions did not touch Jewish capital in any form, and still left the Jews a quota in the employments affected amounting to over three times their numerical proportion in the country, although lower in most cases than the quota occupied by them at the time (2). Unlike its two predecessors, the Jewish Law had an extremely mixed reception in Parliament. Speakers of almost all parties outside the Govern- ment-Conservatives, Christians, Liberals, Socialists-opposed it on grounds of principle as being un-Christian and contrary to Hungarian tradition; some also on grounds of expediency. Others described it frankly as an unworthy concession to foreign pressure. Most of the Government spokesmen them- selves were almost apologetic, but argued that-whatever the remote causes- Jewish influence had now become so powerful in the national life as to make the measure a pragmatical necessity. The Bill was duly passed. But it was Daranyi's last act as Minister President. His negotiations with the Arrow Cross had proceeded satisfactorily enough, so far as the negotiating partners were concerned, ending (after Szalasi had assured emissaries sent to him that he had no designs on the Regent, nor treasonable connections with Germany) with agreement that at the next elections the Government was to "make" a certain number of places -seven or ten (3)- for the Arrow Cross. But the secret had leaked out. It was quite certain that Horthy would never tolerate the presence in the Government of the man whom he believed to be his mortal foe, and on 4th April he had astonished the nation by making a long broadcast which contained strong if obscurely worded warnings to any persons who, even out of idealism, tried to draw the army into politics(4). According to the Szalasi Diary, he wanted at the time to have LABJEGYZET (1) The so-called "numerus clausus Act" of 1921 had limited admissions to the Universities of persons holding any one faith to a proportion of the total admissions equal to the proportion of all persons of that faith to the whole population. Most universities and faculties, however, applied it in a very liberal fashion after the first two or three years. (2) According to a work issued at the time, based on the 1930 census (A. Kovacs, A Csonkamagyarorszag Zsidosaga a Statisztika Tukreben, Budapest, 1940), the percentage of Jewish lawyers in 1930 was 49.2; of articled clerks, 34.9, and of lower-grade clerks, 30.6; of doctors in private practice, 54.5; of chemists (i.e. owners of chemists' shops), l8.9, and of their employees, 16.0; of journalists, 3l.7; of actors, 24.1, and of singers 27.1 . The proportion of Jewish salaried employees (1935 figures) in industry was 43.9; in commerce, 42.0, in agriculture, 27.0 and in mines 47.6 . These figures were on the up-grade. (3) Szalasi in his Diary says seven; Hubay is reported to have written in memoirs which he wrote in prison (alas, lost to the world) that he agreed with Daranyi on ten seats, one to be held by Szalasi himself. (4) The broadcast was a long one, and included general reassuring statements about Hungary's position after the Anschluss. It was generally ^Lbelieved to have been given with the main purpose of dispelling the fears in the country to which that event had given rise. But if so, it came rather late. In any case, it contained allusions, very plain to those in a position to understand them, to the Szalasi question, and also to the suggestions in the Soos memorandum in favour of a dictatorship based on the Army. "The guarantee of our liberty lies in the Constitution, and that Constitution is our guarantee that the country's affairs will be administered only by men of proved ability and aptitude who have the confidence of the constitutional factors. It is not enough for a person to call himself Messiah and mislead the masses, and even certain impressionable groups among the well-educated, with phrases, catchwords and facile demagogy.(Hungary needed complete internal order and tranquillity.) ... And the key to this lies in the Army....... It is a well-known fact that armies should have nothing to do with politics-that if they disregard this rule they become not only useless, but actually harmful. And yet there have lately been those who thought it possible to draw our soldiers into the political arena and to disrupt their non-political unity. Such endeavours -I say this advisedly- will never succeed. And to those who, disguising their personal ambitions under the mask of idealistic aims, have thought to try their hands in this direction, I say emphatically `Hands off the Army!' Our officers-know that the Army must be above factions and parties, serving only the nation as a whole." ---------------------- all the Arrow Cross leaders interned. Daranyi had refused, and had offered his resignation, but neither Imredy nor Keresztes-Fischer had at the time been willing to form a Government. =*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=